By Stefano Fella, Carlo Ruzza
In keeping with large fundamental study, together with interviews with circulate and coverage actors throughout six eu international locations, this publication examines anti-racist routine all through Europe, targeting how they effect tradition and executive coverage at nationwide and ecu point, laying off gentle at the nature of racism and responses to it throughout Europe.
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Extra info for Anti-Racist Movements in the EU: Between Europeanisation and National Trajectories
5. Analysis by the authors of 2010 ESS survey data. 6. uk/ (website accessed 28 July 2011). 7. org/ (website accessed 28 July 2011). 8. org/ (website accessed 28 July 2011). 9. The table is a modified version of one that appeared in the final report of the CIVGOV (Civil Society and European Governance) project (Ruzza et al. 2006: 106–107) and in Bozzini, Fella and Trenz (2006). 10. pdf (website accessed 3 March 2012). 11. The CIVGOV project was funded by the EU 5th framework programme, running from 2003 to 2006.
With the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights has acquired a legally binding character. This is a significant development as the Charter states that ‘that any discrimination based on any ground such as sex, race, colour, ethnic or social origin, genetic features, language, religion or belief, political or any other opinion, membership of a national minority, property, birth, disability, age or sexual orientation’ is forbidden. This development reflects the long-standing commitment of a set of institutional actors and activists working on issues of anti-racism for decades and active in committees of the European Parliament such as the Civil Liberties Committee (Ford 1992).
In this context there is a representational vacuum for other public interests which civil society can address. At present, non-state actors of different kinds and state bureaucracies, when de facto entrusted with a political role, are important actors and loci of distinctive representation activities. These activities can take place in a global public sphere within which international civil society organisations interact with state actors seeking to alter their policy-shaping activities. In contexts such as these, many activities of representation can be regarded as independent from territorial references (Rehfeld 2005).