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Current Issues in the Analysis of Semitic Grammar and by Lutz Edzard, Jan Retso

By Lutz Edzard, Jan Retso

The papers amassed during this quantity conceal themes from the theoretical views on Semitic linguistics to the sensible software of philological ways to a variety of texts. Michael G. Carter opens with a few deliberations on Arabic linguistics in its Islamic context. Jan Retso reinvestigates the query of the origins of Arabic dialects. Werner Arnold bargains a few glimpses of the Arabic dialects within the Tel Aviv quarter. Janet Watson, Bonnie Glover Stalls, Khalid al-Razihi and Shelagh Weir describe elements of Razihit, a language sort spoken in north-west Yemen. Sven-Olof Dahlgren offers a few statistics on sentential negation in Quranic Arabic. Rosmari Lillas-Schuil bargains in-depth with the stylistic . gure hendiadys in Biblical Hebrew. Geoffrey Khan sheds new mild on compound verbal kinds in north-eastern Neo-Aramaic. Kjell Magne Yri examines the grammaticalization of nouns as postpositions in Amharic. Lutz Edzard analyzes numerous different types of compound formations in smooth Semitic. Pernilla Myrne deals a few strategies at the gender-specific use of sexual vocabulary through ladies in Classical Arabic. Judith Josephson investigates the Hellenistic history of the zan diqa 'heretics'. Gunvor Mejdell supplies an outline of using the vernacular in sleek Egyptian literature. eventually, Tetz Rooke seems to be at cross-cultural matters in reference to translation difficulties from Arabic into ecu languages.

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Extra info for Current Issues in the Analysis of Semitic Grammar and Lexicon II: Oslo-Goteborg Cooperation 4th-5th November 2005

Example text

In the proximal demonstratives only, agreement is restricted to the referent. The distal demonsttatives, however, involve agreement with ^ e addressee. Agreement may also be made to the location of the referent (up there, down there or on the same level). The demonsttatives may also show emphasis. In referent agreement, gender dis10 The glottal ending is not mentioned by Behnstedt (198^: 102). 4S Janet c . E. Watson, Bonnie Glover Stalls, Khalid al-Razihi, and Shelagh Weir tinction is made in the singular only, the ^ o -w a y distinction in the plural is b e^ een fmale humanj and non-fmale human].

2 The voiced coronal plosive, / d / , appears from our data so far to always assimilate to a following oral consonant - / ‫ةﺀ‬d + biddih/ = ‫ هﺀﺀ‬biddih] or [Cäbbiddih] 'I still wan^, /kan c§d + nlh/ = (kän Cannih] '! was still', /gid + bä/ = fgib-ba] 'about to', /gid + Salla'/ = [gis-galla'] 'she took'; however, it does not always assimilate to a following guttural consonant: alongside examples in which / d / of /g id / totally assimilates, such as: /kän gid + hisen/ = [kän gihhisên] 'was Hussein', we have examples of / d / of / ‫ﺀ‬äd/ 'still' failing to assimilate to a following gutaral, as in: / ‫ﺀ‬äd + ‫ﺀ‬abd‫ة‬h / = [‫ﺀ‬äd ‫ﺀ‬abd‫ة‬h] and / ‫ﺀ‬äd hiniyyah/ = [Cäd hiniyyah] 'still here'.

On that very day I gave birth to Sukkari'. We know that -al is to be analysed with the demonstative element in this case and not as a definite article for * e following reasons: the following noun lacks * e final aspiration characteristic of definiteness (Glover Stalls et al 2005, Watson et al, in press); feminine nouns lack * e definite marker -it in these cons^uctions, as in: hu takasis satiah 'in * e same year' compared to bu täk issanit 'in * a t year'; and the demonstative may lack feminine a^eement before feminine nouns, as in: garrabu bi-dakal gahwah '* e y came w i* such [quantities of] coffee', or plural agreement before plural nouns (see table 2 above), as in: wi-dihekal banadig 'and so many guns' and wiheh tinâmî dakal aliyyat wi-dakaljaramil 'so she carried all * o se machineguns and all those guns'.

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